Social Inequalities

 

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Social Inequalities

Introduction

Even though social cadre disparities in the health of UK’s populace have been documented since antiquity, there still exists a contradiction regarding the causes of this occurrence (Abbott and Wallace 1996). The Black Report is the only trustworthy contribution to this contest. However, the report delineates four probable forms of explanation of class disparities in health: dimensional artifact; social selection; materialist; as well as cultural disparities. Whereas the former two axioms of justification reject a casual link between the conditions of subsistence of the different social classes and their levels of health the latter restricts this impact to variables which are considered by many susceptible to individual control.

Social Inequalities

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Part 1

Stratification is the system of disparity within and between social classes, the means of allocation to positions within a social ladder and the means by which reserves are allotted. Different theories have endeavored to explain how and why stratification structures surfaced. Stratification demonstrates the way in which several factions of persons are positioned within society (Moore et al. 2001). Social class, gender as well as ethnicity can all be associated to individual’s experience of health, illness, and disability. Evidence of such disparities has been collected in the UK. A government- sponsored document by Douglas Black (DHSS 1980) was especially significant in gathering, valuating and publicizing facts on health inequalities (Giddens, 2001).
Gender disparities in health as well as death can be demonstrated too. But they are less noticeable than social stratum disparities. Women are likely to live longer than men: there’s presently a four-year gap of life anticipation. However, women go through poorer health, ironically their longevity brings along a heavy burden of chronic sickness as well as impairment is later years, with approximately 48% of women at the age of 75 and beyond experiencing restricting long-standing illness as reported by the General Household Survey (2001).
Ethnic disparities have been sparingly documented in comparison to class or gender disparities. Health and mortality disparities between ethnic minority and members from white communities are strongly related with their experience in Britain. Disparities in socio-economic status of diverse cultural factions, unlike biological or cultural disparities, are critical to their different experiences of health and death. On the other hand, women are discriminated in places work, an aspect that is felt in terms of their economic prowess over men. As such, majority of women tend to have scanty access to best healthcare services. However, in societies where both men and women are marginalized economically and politically the issue of inequality can be catastrophic.

Part 2
1. What are the strengths and weaknesses of using the Registrar-General’s classification? 300-350 words

Numerous classification systems have been developed to help in the stratification of groups of individuals. One of these systems is the Registrar-General that has been used by sociologists to indicate the presence as well as importance of social class; it is pretty easy to comprehend it and classify groups of people based on their occupations. Moreover, it reflects the society’s opinions of awarding superior position to non-manual occupations and hierarchy is centered on income that is generally precise (Moore et al. 2001).
Nevertheless, the use of Registrar-General’s classification as an indicator of social class is challenging, for instance; whatsoever professional scale utilized, the result is to leave out in particular ‘upper class’ who get their revenue from venture of the wealth rather than occupation. In reality, in some instances, these individuals may have no occupation.
While the scales may be vital in indicating the overall social structure, sociologists seek to comprehensively analyse the theory of class and the association within social classes. Professional scales lack the necessary measures concerning the magnitude to which associations within classes are based on conflict of consensus or regarding the relevance of class consciousness (Moore et al. 2001).

Under certain circumstances, occupations may possibly be allocated to a somewhat high professional class even though income derived in the occupation may be reasonably low. Moreover, schemes on their own cannot adequately differentiate between single revenue as well as double revenue families. For instance, is a couple are in a paid service, their children are more likely to enjoy a relatively high living standard though they are in fairly ‘low class’ professions. Unfortunately, nevertheless, it seems that it is ever more the wives of greatly paid men who are possibly to be employed in well paying occupations and this is an aspect that is contributing to more and more income inequalities (Moore et al. 2001).

Part 3

According to material model, social status exposes individuals to health risks. Disadvantages such as social class V are likely to subsist in places they are exposed to hazards like air pollution and housing conditions.
Many scholars source allege that materialist theory is vital in describing social class distinctions in health. For instance, results indicate that higher rates of heart diseases among social class V people. Though, many health experts believe that materialist theory is significant in describing health inequalities, many consider this theory inadequate. In Wales and England, comparatively social class V individuals receive aid (food, rental assistance) from the government that make housing or diet not likely to lead to all health inequality outcomes. Additionally, globally and Europe, health inequalities seem to follow a stable gradient instead of professional or unskilled classes. However, source allege that in developed nations like England and Wales, enhancing living standards have not improved health, material requirements have been fulfilled: those who are relatively deprived. In this case, the harm depends on uneven access to society compared to uneven access to material. It is social conditions that are injurious instead of material resources. It is evident that, equal societies have lower mortality rates. Whether it is equality that presents the distinction, then it is inadequate to relies on fiscal growth to increase material conditions of society particularly those in social class V: there is need to reallocate materials, rather than merely lift social status for people. On the other hand, other researchers’ sources highlight that significance of material aspects in recognising social inequalities and mortality rates in health: people in social class V have to decide between social and consumer spending, health and diet.

B 300-350

With respect to psycho-social theory, inequalities in the society are likely to impact people emotions that subsequently impact the functioning of the body. For instance, traumatic social conditions generate psychological reactions that lead to biological changes that increase the dangers of lung cancer. Come of the psycho-risk elements are social assistance, control and independence in work place, the stability between home and occupation; abilities and remunerations. Apparently, a number of studies investigating relationships between health issues as well as elements of psycho-social (Wallerstein, 1974). Past studies source indicate that individuals with good associations with friends and families and engage in community initiatives have a long life span compared to those who are isolated. Nevertheless, these findings of the relationships between type of occupation and health matters is less comprehensible, although detailed studies demonstrate a relatively high risk of lung cancer in people who are in occupations that have high demands and control is low such as those in social class V. Consequently, several studies source have illustrated that unevenness between ability and remunerations at work place seem to be associated to fibrinogen, adverse blood fat, high blood pressure and so forth.
On the other hand, behavioral theory highlights that based on different social class that damage as well as promote health. But studies have indicated that disparities in health behavior account for approximately 1/3 of social class variation in mortality rates (Haralambos and Smith, 1996). Evidence shows the effect of behavior on health as well as on inequality. For instance, smoking will lead to risks of cancer and hear complications and is linked to social conditions, with individuals in poor situations more prone to smoke. Additionally, assessments of interventions that attempt to amend health behaviors have hardly ever sown specific expansions in health that are able to predict behavioral theory.

Part 4
A 300-350
Social class does not summarize all differences in health (Fulcher and Scott, 2003). There are disparities between men and women, between diverse ethnic groups, as well as between different regions. However social class is a significant indicator of health disparities. This can be demonstrated by contemplating about the connections between class, gender, and race. For instance, health among married women differs with respect to their partners livelihoods. Irrespective of all the variations in work and household, women’s lifetime earnings are about 50% men’s on aggregate. Their living backgrounds are still determined more by their partner- or lack of one- and by the household earnings rather than their personal revenues: Implicitly, women’s health is somewhat clearly patterned by social class (Fulcher and Scott, 2003).
Ethnic minorities’ wellbeing fits socio-economic trends, with those highest in socio-fiscal terms. For instance, South Asian groups are vulnerable to heart disease owing to their worst experience of health. Social class is an imperative benchmark of health (Fenton, 1999). Trends of inequality related with social class are persistent, even budding.
From a materialist point of view, working conditions in South Asia is related with physio-chemical dangers like compounds, dust and noise. The impacts of dangers are apparently found most among manual employees because they belong to the employees whose experience is greatest. High mortality rates from heart disease in South Asia can also be attributed to the masculine nature of societies in this region that have to endure the ordeal of machine-operated work and repetitive work leading to an enhanced output of the stress hormones (Haralambos and Holborn, 2004). However, because this group of people is poorly remunerated, this also implicate on their poor eating habit. They also get discriminated medically because of their monetary paucity. Owing to poor diagnosis, lung disease tend to overwhelm this group of individuals especially in emerging economies where industrial activities have stepped up, hence closing experiencing all manner of deadly intoxication.

Based on the results, there is a high prevalence of breast cancer in West Africa, followed by Scotland, Ireland, East Africa, Caribbean and South Asia. Among black women breast cancer survival rates are low compared to white women. This is due to poor social class linked to the reduced survival in breast cancer patients. In this scenario, the breast cancer susceptibility is by and large linked with two extreme social stratums namely the higher and the lower class cadre. However, because Ireland have better healthcare facilities, the management of breast cancer lowers the number of those with breast cancer over West African women who majority live in abject poverty and with scanty access to healthcare. Moreover, poor diagnosis of breast cancer in poor countries is related to a greater occurrence among disadvantaged women. This is also true with the aspect of mortality emanating from cancer in relation to social class. Apparently, women from underprivileged backdrops tend to fall under the last two classes down the social cadre. However, women from four countries namely Ireland, East Africa, Caribbean and South Asia are less vulnerable to breast cancer in relations to women from West Africa and Scotland for various reasons leading to a high mortality rate in comparison to the latter. This is to say, a fraction of women in these countries have access to better medical facilities (Wright 2000).

Impeccable sources indicate that longevity is an aspect of social class in terms of means. Here, the affluent of society are more likely to live longer, by virtue of their economic prowess, which enables them access better healthcare facilities. On the contrary, older women are prone to breast cancer; this substantiates the fact that, high numbers of women from developed nations have a protracted longevity owing to high quality healthcare facilities. In the same vein, this culminates to a high mortality rates of elderly women in terms of demographics in Scotland and Ireland with breast cancer. Consequently, in marginalized backdrops, lack of quality medical services can be a reason as to why women, die younger hence restricting the demographics (Moore et al. 2001).

References

Abbott, C. and Wallace, P. (1996) An Introduction to Sociology: Feminist Perspectives (2nd Edition). Routledge.
Fenton, S. (1999) Ethnicity: Racism, Class and Culture. MacMillan.
Fulcher, J. and Scott, J. (2003) Sociology (2nd edition). Oxford University Press.
Giddens, A. (2001) Sociology (4th edition). Polity Press.
Haralambos, M. and Smith, F. (1996) Sociology: a New Approach (3rd edition). Causeway Press.
Haralambos, M. and Holborn, M. (2004) Sociology: Themes and Perspectives (5th edition). Collins.
Davis, Kingsley, and Wilbert E. Moore. (1945). “Some Principles of Stratification.” American Sociological Review 10 (2):242–249.
Firebaugh, Glenn. (2003). The New Geography of Global Income Inequality. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Lenski, Gerhard E. (1984). Power and Privilege: A Theory of Social Stratification. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.
Wright, Erik Olin. (1997). Class Counts: Comparative Studies in Class Analysis. New York: Cambridge University Press.

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